Russian Digital Economy and Cybersecurity: An Overview of Recent Developments
Volume 6, Issue 3, Summer 2022, Pages 439-498
https://doi.org/10.22059/wsps.2023.351976.1326
Khodayar Barari Reykandeh, Shahab Alddin Shokri
Abstract The main purpose of this research was to examine the key metrics of the Russian digital economy and influencing factors affecting the digital economy development in Russia during the period of 2010-2020. One-way ANOVA was conducted to compare the three indicators of e-government. Results from LSD statistics indicated that there was a significant difference between the telecommunications indexes and human capital. The correlation matrix of economic influencing factors in Russia in terms of ICT application revealed that there has been a balance between the various economic sectors. Results of the Kruskal–Wallis test demonstrated that there was a significant difference between Russian financial institutions in terms of cyber-attacks. Based on the refinery methods of factor analysis, Pearson's correlation coefficient, and multiple regression model, five variables GDP, GDP per capita, R&D expenditure, cyber security, and consumer price index were removed from the analysis, and the results showed that the human capital has a significant positive impact on the development of the digital economy in Russia. Despite the significant explanatory role of the human capital index, this study strongly recommended considering the other variables, both predictive and control variables, to explain the variance in the development of digital economy in Russia.
Sino-Russian Energy Relations: Dimensions and Prospects
Volume 5, Issue 4, Autumn 2021, Pages 659-690
https://doi.org/10.22059/wsps.2022.336606.1271
Barari Khodayar, Somayyeh Shamsian
Abstract Access and control of Energy has not only been historically instrumental in the sociopolitical and economic shaping of nations, but also central to the global world of politics, systems, and geopolitics. Energy resources of the Russian Federation have made the country more influential in world politics. Energy and geopolitical issues are especially important to modern People’s Republic of China as a tool for the country’s economic growth. Since the mid twentieth century, both countries have attempted to establish mutual energy cooperation as a key component of their strategic alliance based on producer-consumer needs and the Good Neighborly Treaty. Nonetheless, since the end of the cold war in the 1990s, the energy negotiations have been long and unproductive because both nations are on both sides of the energy market. For the Russian Federation, revenue from its oil and gas sector traditionally makes up a large portion of its budget. Thus, Russia is unwilling to make concessions and involve China in its major upstream energy projects. In the interim, China also seeks to diversify its oil and gas resources and imports for its own political dependency, growth, and to prevent countries from overreliance on one single source and market. Issues such as pricing and the provisions of agreements have made the energy relations between the two countries more complex than the relations between producers and consumers. Despite the two countries being neighbors, their relations have not been developed.
Russia and Hamas after 2006: Realities of a Questionable Relationship
Volume 5, Issue 1, Winter 2021, Pages 193-223
https://doi.org/10.22059/wsps.2022.334274.1249
Hassan Ahmadian, Barari Khodayar
Abstract This article aims at examining Russia's relations with the Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas) and Moscow's motives and goals for the establishment and enhancement of those ties. We explore Russia's worldview to position the Middle East and Hamas in a pre-established frame, subsequently examining the reasons behind the development of these relationships. This article sets out to answer a two-fold question: What has been Russia's aim of receiving Hamas leaders and establishing high-level relations with this movement since 2006, and what components have influenced these interactions at international and regional levels? The paper argues that Russia considers its relations with Muslim nations and movements not only a foreign policy principle but also a domestic issue. Hence, it seeks to take advantage of the U.S. retrenchment from the region to expand its influence, play a mediatory role in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, and elevate its reputation among Muslims inside and outside the country. Recognizing Hamas' position, Russia resolved to develop its ties with Hamas' leaders, started negotiating with all the parties in the Palestinian national reconciliation process, and provided political, economic, cultural, financial, and security support to eventually affect Hamas' stance vis-à-vis Israel.
