Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies

Abstract Regionalism, a phenomenon much older than globalization, has long promoted the individual and collective interests of countries. Accordingly, American and Middle Eastern nations have sought to advance their interests within integration frameworks such as the Organization of American States (OAS) and the League of Arab States (LAS). In this context, Ernst Haas’s neofunctionalist theory provides a useful lens to examine these blocs, focusing on four key categories: supranationality, the shift in elite loyalties, the collective decision-making process, and most importantly, the spillover effect. This study applies the neofunctionalist approach and uses qualitative content analysis to examine collected data from both above-mentioned organizations. By reviewing internal regulations, resolutions, and the contemporary political contexts of member countries, the research compares the OAS and LAS to highlight their similarities and differences. The study finds that while the LAS struggles with foreign interference and internal rivalries among members competing for leadership in Arabism, the OAS is shaped by the hegemonic dominance of the United States and the ideological polarization across the Americas, where conservative and progressive governments alternate in power. The dynamic traps the continent in a vicious cycle that must be broken.

Abstract 2023 marked the 50^th anniversary of the US-backed military coup that overthrew the democratically elected government of Salvador Allende in Chile, and installed a military junta led by General Augusto Pinochet. It also marked the 70^th anniversary of the US-backed coup against Mohammed Mossadegh in Iran. Beyond the parallels of Western intervention directed against sovereign governments, and the imposition of authoritarian US-client regimes, the fact is that Pinochet’s rule signaled a period of closer ties between Chile and the Pahlavi regime. From the establishment of a Chilean embassy in Tehran in 1974, cooperation even reached the field of state terror both at home and overseas, as the Chilean secret police reached SAVAK for advice on repression and Pinochet agents offered collaboration in chasing some of the Shah’s enemies abroad. The triumph of the Islamic Revolution in 1979 put an end to Chilean-Iranian cooperation and diplomatic relations. The Chilean military industry then supported Saddam’s war against Iran by providing weapons to the Iraqi regime - including cluster munitions. Through declassified documents from the Chilean Foreign Ministry, as well as findings by journalistic research, those connections and exchanges, little known by the peoples of both countries, are revisited.

Abstract The United States’ relations with Cuba are rooted in the US intervention in the process of Cuba’s independence from Spain in the 1890s. The US preserved its interest-based approach towards Cuba during the first half of the 20th century, which culminated in the Cuba’s counter-hegemonic revolution in 1959. This revolution led to more than fifty years of hostility between two countries, which took a new form under President Obama’s administration. Indeed, Barack Obama and Raul Castro surprised the world in 2014, announcing that they would reinstate full diplomatic relations and pacify bilateral tensions. Since World War II, United States has been the hegemon of the world relying on three pillars of its liberal bloc, i.e. liberal values and culture, economic and military capabilities, and international organizations. However, during Obama’s administration, the occurrence of events such as the rise of new economic powers, Global Financial Crisis and the rise of left-turn in Latin America caused some speculations about the declining US hegemony and its transition to leadership. However, qualitative content analysis of the US Inter-American policies indicates that US hegemony in Latin America including Cuba is deeply rooted in the early decades of US formation. Moreover, the continuation of US economic embargo on Cuba and its long-lasting military presence in the island indicate that Obama’s policy did not provide a leveled playing field to resolve Cuba’s problems. Hence, US leadership in Cuba and true and equal partnership between both countries still seem unattainable.