University of Tehran
Published jointly with Iranian World Studies AssociationJournal of World Sociopolitical Studies2588-31194320200701Creating A New Anglo-Saxon Empire: A Post-Colonial Analysis of Alfred Milner’s Constructive Imperialism4014368238210.22059/wsps.2021.320601.1204ENAliZeraatpishehPhD Student of English Language and Literature, University of Tehran, Tehran, IranMohammadMarandiProfessor of English Language and Literature, University of Tehran, Tehran, IranMaryam SoltanBeyadAssociate Professor of English Language and Literature, University of Tehran, Tehran,
IranJournal Article20200205At the end of the 19<sup>th</sup> century the British Empire faced numerous challenges, both external and internal. The cultural and political elite from across the Empire tried to find a solution to these crises. Alfred Milner was a member of this cultural and political elite. He contended that in order to safeguard the Empire, the Anglo-Saxon race had to embrace what he called “Constructive Imperialism” and gain an “imperial consciousness”. The aim of this article is first to analyze the nature of the crises the Empire faced, and discover the way in which they shaped Milner’s brand of Imperialism; second to situate Alfred Milner’s Constructive Imperialism in its cultural and political milieu; third to find its roots in the greater history of the British Empire; and finally, to understand why Alfred Milner failed to convince the Empire to embrace Constructive Imperialism. In order to reach its defined objectives, this article examines Alfred Milner’s Constructive Imperialism from a historical standpoint and then utilizes the Contrapuntal Analysis of Edward Said to further investigate its narrative.https://wsps.ut.ac.ir/article_82382_000483249a90846ac6044bf1dd5b4915.pdfUniversity of Tehran
Published jointly with Iranian World Studies AssociationJournal of World Sociopolitical Studies2588-31194320200701Power from Revolution: The Configuration and Evolution of Iran’s Political Identity Reflected in the Supreme Leaders’ Hajj Messages4374708238510.22059/wsps.2021.313660.1183ENMohammadSamieiAssociate Professor of Iranian Studies, University of Tehran, Tehran, IranNaShao-QianM.A. in Iranian Studies, University of Tehran, Tehran, IranJournal Article20200316This research sheds light on what has constituted and defined Iran’s post-revolutionary political identity and provides insights into its development with important socio-political implications. In order to understand the configuration and the evolution of post-revolutionary identity in Iran, we examined Hajj Messages issued by Iran’s Supreme Leader through a content analysis within the framework of a threefold typological model of identity advanced by the authors: empiricistic, rationalistic, and idealistic. The passages selected from the Supreme Leader’s Hajj Messages are classified into the above-mentioned three categories based on the model. Results indicate that in the post-revolutionary Iran, a rationalism that inherits the doctrines of anti-despotism, anti-colonialism, and return to Islam prevails. It is also observed that the post-revolutionary identity of Iran has both empiricist and idealist factors, in the narrations of which the rituals of Hajj and the history of prophets are underscored respectively. This research also concerns ebbs and flows in the process of identity development in post-revolutionary Iran. Whilst the rationalist factor keeps stable and is gradually strengthening its preponderance, idealism is ebbing away and empiricism is flowing in.https://wsps.ut.ac.ir/article_82385_fb32215887da4b3faaeee8636c567195.pdfUniversity of Tehran
Published jointly with Iranian World Studies AssociationJournal of World Sociopolitical Studies2588-31194320200701EU Economic & Financial Sanctions against Iran and their Human Rights Implications4715047908410.22059/wsps.2020.303333.1151ENRoxanaNiknamiAssistant Professor of Regional Studies, University of Tehran, Tehran, IranJournal Article20200123Since the advent of the Islamic Revolution in Iran, the country has been continuously subject to severe sanctions by the Western countries, especially the United States. In all these years, the U.S. sanctions did not affect Iran’s economy much, due to the fact that the two countries have no formal relations and as a result, their economies are not, by any means, interdependent. However, Iran’s economy has been reliant on extensive interactions with the European countries; the EU sanctions against Iran since 2011, therefore, have harshly affected Iran’s economy and caused adverse social impacts on Iranian lives. In the shadow of Iran’s dark image in the eyes of the world, one issue that has remained overshadowed by the discussions on the impact and effectiveness of the sanctions, is the severe human rights crises left by the EU sanctions. The key question is what have been the human rights and humanitarian consequences of the EU sanctions for Iran, and how serious have these consequences been for the country? As the author argues in this paper, EU economic sanctions against Iran are considered violations of the three main generations of human rights and are therefore unwarranted. Given this, the resumption of sanctions since 2018 would lead to a human rights disaster in Iran. The effect of these sanctions will not affect the Iranian government, but the Iranian civilians, especially the vulnerable, which will undermine their human dignity.https://wsps.ut.ac.ir/article_79084_891bbe5d92dc7f7299269dd1b8dd2c09.pdfUniversity of Tehran
Published jointly with Iranian World Studies AssociationJournal of World Sociopolitical Studies2588-31194320200701A Criminological Approach to the COVID-19 Pandemic with a Comparative Perspective Based on Iran’s and the World’s Data5055328287810.22059/wsps.2021.321030.1205ENMehrdadRayejian AsliAssistant Professor of Law, The Institute for Research & Development in Humanities (SAMT), Tehran, IranJournal Article20200305The present research explores some of the most significant aspects of the COVID-19 outbreak from the perspective of criminology through carrying out a comparative analysis of Iran’s and the world’s Data. Describing the current pandemic as deviance is one aspect of this approach upon which an argument can be made for explaining the COVID-19 outbreak as deviance from a criminological perspective. The criminal effects of COVID-19 is another part of the discussion through which relationships between the pandemic and crime rates, including economic crime and domestic violence, are examined. The findings show that overall, crime rates have fluctuated throughout the advent of COVID-19, and while the current pandemic has caused an increase in the rates of certain types of crimes, a decline in many other types of crime has also been observed. Finally, the article concludes that the current pandemic exerts varying impacts on criminality, corroborating the assumption that ‘disease’ alongside ‘crime’ endangers human health on the whole. Therefore, the main question is how humans can maintain their physical health upon exposure to the dangers of COVID, and look after their mental health from the risks and the unpleasant effects of criminality, particularly fear of crime and moral panic?https://wsps.ut.ac.ir/article_82878_af53b4f831db15b78f8594472dade5ce.pdfUniversity of Tehran
Published jointly with Iranian World Studies AssociationJournal of World Sociopolitical Studies2588-31194320200701The British Self and Continental Other: The Question of British National Identity in the 2016 Referendum5335708283610.22059/wsps.2021.323965.1222ENFatemehSalkhoriM.A. in British Studies, University of Tehran, Tehran, IranMohammad RezaSaeidabadiAssociate Professor of European Studies, University of Tehran, Tehran, IranJournal Article20200304The Brexit, UK’s withdrawal from the EU in 2020 was a pivotal moment in the history of Europe. The United Kingdom and the European Union have a longstanding relationship, which dates to 1973; however, against all expectations, in a referendum on June 23, 2016, more than 51.9% of the British people voted to leave the EU. Certain scholars believe that the British national identity was one of the sources of the UK hostility toward a European integration. An important question to discuss regarding this hostility is: how did the unique formation of the British identity drive the majority of people to vote in favour of leaving the EU in the 2016 referendum? This question is investigated in this research through the theoretical framework of the Social Identity Theory. Relying on a qualitative methodology, data was gathered from various survey polls, such as Ipsos MORI, Eurobarometer and British Social Attitudes (BSA) surveys. Findings indicate that the British identity has not been Europeanised as much as other European countries yet, and that Britain’s weak sense of European identity was a key contributor to the Brexit vote.https://wsps.ut.ac.ir/article_82836_ccfd488a22b30cfc047ab9f8bd90a848.pdfUniversity of Tehran
Published jointly with Iranian World Studies AssociationJournal of World Sociopolitical Studies2588-31194320200701Systematic Analysis of State-Nation Building and Political Development in Afghanistan: A Critical Approach to the Bonn Agreement and the Doctrine of Liberal Democracy from 2002 to 20215716168294710.22059/wsps.2021.322489.1211ENRohollahEslamiAssistant Professor of Political Sciences, Ferdowsi University of Mashhad, Mashhad, IranEbrahimForozeshPhD Student of Political Sciences, Ferdowsi University of Mashhad, Mashhad, IranJournal Article20200310By withdrawing from Afghanistan, the Soviet Union collapsed and the Cold War ended in the 1990s. Throughout that decade, western governments forgot the people of Afghanistan. But the 1998 attack on the US interests in Africa and al-Qaeda attacks of the September 11, 2001 reintroduced foreign aggression of the Western governments’ coalition against Afghanistan. Late in 2001, NATO countries, led by the United States, brought down the Taliban regime. Concomitantly, the UN conducted a conference in Bonn, Germany, in which political and paramilitary groups agreed to form an inclusive government without presence of Taliban. The Bonn Agreement contents show that most of its principles are based on the doctrine of Liberal Democracy. Accordingly, liberal democracy is reflected in most of the ratified articles of the eighth constitution of Afghanistan and it was expected to be effective in a country where many political regimes and systems had been experienced. However, it faced challenges and nation-state building development process witnessed deficiencies. The present paper uses systemic analysis of the liberal nation-state (system input, policy design, policy implementation, evaluation and outcome) to answer the research question. The question is: how have the nation-state building process and political development in Afghanistan been affected by the Bonn Agreement and liberal democracy doctrine? And how has that led to the deficiencies in nation-state building and political development in the country? Hypothetically, the process suffered from deficiencies due to the following reasons: disregarding the historical-traditional contexts of Afghanistan, weak presence of liberal democrats in power, disregard for the demands of the fragmented society, the continuation of nationalist policies, and the incorrect public-private divide in the liberal structure of democracy.https://wsps.ut.ac.ir/article_82947_a1d601667a63fc064a3f82928713057b.pdfUniversity of Tehran
Published jointly with Iranian World Studies AssociationJournal of World Sociopolitical Studies2588-31194320200701Oil Powers: A History of the U.S.-Saudi Alliance, by Victor McFarland, New York: Colombia University Press, 2020. 357 pp. ISBN: 97802311972676176208238310.22059/wsps.2021.322336.1210ENEhsanRasoulinezhadAssistant professor of Russian, Caucasus and Central Asian Studies, University of Tehran, Tehran, IranJournal Article20200427<strong>In <em>Oil Powers:</em></strong><em> A History of the U.S.-Saudi Alliance</em>,<strong> </strong>Victor McFarland<em> </em>explores the US-Saudi relationship through an investigation of not only the contemporary US relationship with Saudi Arabia, but also the historical affiliations of the two countries, the nature of the relationship, as well as the role of fossil fuel in the establishment and development of this relationship. The book provides novel and interesting topics about the political economy of energy based on the author’s impressive and informative knowledge and academic skills.https://wsps.ut.ac.ir/article_82383_f505e82e5ed37c259598c9b126590892.pdfUniversity of Tehran
Published jointly with Iranian World Studies AssociationJournal of World Sociopolitical Studies2588-31194320200701The Future of British Foreign Policy: Security and Diplomacy in a World after Brexit, by Christopher Hill, Cambridge: Polity Press, 2019. 256 pp. ISBN: 978-1-509-52461-76216258294810.22059/wsps.2021.325402.1226ENElhamAbediniPhD Student of British Studies, University of Tehran, Tehran, IranJournal Article20200205The book,<em> The Future of British Foreign Policy: Security and Diplomacy in a World after Brexit,</em> is written by a well-known professor and expert in British foreign policy affairs, Professor Christopher Hill. He made an effort to trace the various dimensions and challenges of the UK–EU relationship since the establishment of the European Community, later the European Union.https://wsps.ut.ac.ir/article_82948_140d2dde085350ada9705f6ab04ceebb.pdfUniversity of Tehran
Published jointly with Iranian World Studies AssociationJournal of World Sociopolitical Studies2588-31194320200701China’s Maritime Silk Road Initiative, Africa, and the Middle East: Feats, Freezes, and Failures, by Jean-Marc F. Blanchard (Ed.), Palgrave Macmillan, 2021. pp. 291 $100.85. ISBN: 978-981-33-4013-86276328283510.22059/wsps.2021.326566.1231ENMaziarMozaffari FalartiAssistant Professor of South and East Asian and Oceania Studies, University of Tehran, Tehran, IranBehzadAbdollahpourM. A. in North American Studies, University of Tehran, Tehran, IranJournal Article20200418Since the inception of the Belt Road Initiative (BRI) in 2013, China has increased its presence and influence in Africa and the MENA region. Taking advantage of economic opportunities and prioritizing trade concessions over diplomatic relations have recently been of great importance for China. Jean-Marc Blanchard’s <em>China’s Maritime Silk Road Initiative, Africa, and the Middle East </em>seeks to address such issues by offering a historical overview of China’s political and economic bonds with African and the MENA states, and investigates their ties in the context of Maritime Silk Road Initiative (MSRI).https://wsps.ut.ac.ir/article_82835_1784196715f20077d204b80f23293eb7.pdf