Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies

Abstract Gender inequality remains a pressing global issue, with international organisations emphasising the urgent need to resolve it. India, as part of the worldwide community, has aligned with this imperative by integrating gender-responsive policies into its development frameworks. The Five-Year Plans (FYPs) of India have historically shaped the nation’s development trajectory, with the 12^th FYP (2012–2017) marking a significant shift by explicitly prioritizing gender-responsive policies in key sectors. This study employs qualitative content analysis to study the representation and inclusion of women in the 12^th FYP, using the United Nations Development Programme’s (UNDP) Gender Inequality Index (GII) as an analytical framework. The GII evaluates gender disparities across three dimensions: reproductive health, empowerment, and labour market participation. This research identifies progress and persistent gaps in India’s gender-responsive policies by analysing policy language, budgetary allocations, and implementation outcomes. Applying the Capability Approach as a theoretical lens, this study reveals that while the 12^th FYP has expanded resources for women in health, education, and the labour market, persistent barriers in social norms, security, and decision-making opportunities continue to limit their real freedoms to convert these resources into meaningful life choices. The findings emphasise that true empowerment requires not only policy provisions, but also institutional reforms to dismantle structural inequalities.

Abstract By causing a serious gap in the optimistic literature on European integration processes, Brexit has provided numerous challenges for international relations theorists. In this regard, in the present article,  three influential theories that best explain Brexit will be discussed: neorealism, constructivism, and the English school of international relations. Notwithstanding that both neorealism and constructivism are able to raise important issues, it seems that there are still certain shortcomings in the two theories in explaining Brexit. Neorealism relies too much on macro-analysis and material factors, and, on the other hand, constructivism tries to account for essential factors from the domestic or second-level analysis. Therefore, the paper's central question is how does the English School provide a convincing explanatory framework for understanding Brexit? In response to the question, the paper adopts a theoretical perspective to analyze and explain both the micro-level and macro-level of the Brexit phenomenon by utilizing the English School’s central assumptions: institutions, the great power status, pluralist-solidarist debate, and the balance of power. It is concluded that English School is able to explain Brexit more satisfactorily. According to the school’s assumptions, Brexit is not an oddity, but a natural consequence of internal and external equations in the United Kingdom.

Abstract The current research was conducted to analyze the components of intercultural competencies of senior managers in Iraqi health organizations with a qualitative method of thematic analysis using Sterling's (2001) approach. The research community was the senior managers of the Ministry of Interior, hospitals, and health service institutions of Iraq, among  whom 20 people were reached through purposeful sampling based on specific criteria, and data saturation was reached. Data validity was confirmed by two coders and external auditors. Results indicated that the 83 codes extracted in the interviews can be categorized into five dimensions: knowledge, attitude, insight, action, and intercultural ability. The results of the content analysis of participants' interviews showed that intercultural competency can be divided into five levels of knowledge, insight, ability, activism, and intercultural attitude, with ten components of intercultural awareness, intercultural education, understanding of cultural context, cultural self-efficacy, intercultural adaptation, intercultural sensitivity, intercultural experience, intercultural communication, intercultural positivity, and empathic attitude. To achieve effective intercultural communication, Iraqi senior managers need to learn intercultural competencies to achieve a high level of communication and development in health organizations.

Abstract It is generally accepted that COVID-19 is one of the most serious challenges the countries have faced since the end of World War II. The coronavirus, as an external shock has reshaped economic structures and lowered integration among countries. The main purpose of this paper is to investigate the impacts of COVID-19 on the globalization level of countries, which were classified into five Asian regions based on the United Nations geoscheme. To this end, an econometric method of estimation is employed based on the quarterly data pertaining to the study’s variables from 2010 to 2020. Results indicate that the pandemic has had a more severe negative impact on the globalization level of more developed countries in Asia, whereas it has had a smaller negative impact on less developed regions, such as those located in Central Asia. In this regard, Japan and China can be named as two economies in which the Coronavirus has had a greater negative impact on the level of globalization. It can be highlighted that the pandemic and its related consequences, such as protectionism (trade and capital de-liberalism) and travel restrictions are not considered as potential threats for all Asian countries. What constitutes a threat for various countries depends on the country’s economic nature, political stability, economic size, and globalization nature. Therefore, for globalization recovery, no unique pattern could be applied to all Asian countries, each having to determine useful practical policies based on its  economic mechanism and interactions with respect to both regional and global variables. 

Abstract The conflict between Palestinians and the Jews has been ongoing for seven decades. Despite numerous proposed solutions from the United Nations, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, and various countries involved in the issue, the crisis persists. The past three decades of right-wing leadership in Israel have shown that supported by major European powers and the US, meaningful negotiations are not anticipated from Israel. Meaningful talks would involve agreements on recognizing Palestine, affirming Palestinian sovereignty, establishing an independent Palestinian state, allowing for the return of displaced populations and determining the status of Jerusalem as the capital. The ascension of the extreme right in Israel has clouded the prospects for peace, augmenting the Israeli demands for more privilege, while sidelining those of the other side. This article posits that Israel's negotiation approach under the right-wing is built on a zero-sum mentality, with minimal concessions offered to the Palestinians. Moreover, its various political, security and economic pressures on Palestinians, along with sustained US and EU sanctions and its military superiority, render any peace model unattainable. This uncompromising approach, intended to impose unilateral conditions and prolong talks to thwart the establishment of an independent Palestinian state, accounts for the recurrent failure of negotiations. Israel's aim in these talks appears to demoralize the Palestinians and prevent the realization of their aspirations by imposing “the real”.

Abstract This study examines how news headlines about the October 7, 2023, Gaza crisis employ linguistic structures to convey predetermined framing and reinforce power dynamics. Drawing on Information Structure Theory and the analytical framework of information packing theory, a corpus of 50 headlines from major international outlets (The New York Times, Reuters, CNN, AP, BBC, The Guardian, Al Jazeera) published between October 2023 and July 2025 was analyzed using qualitative discourse analysis. Information Structure Theory examines how speakers and writers organize and highlight pieces of information in sentences, such as what is presented as known or new, important or backgrounded, to guide the listener or reader’s attention and interpretation. The study investigates how syntactic and grammatical choices frame events, highlight causes, assign or obscure responsibility, and shape readers’ interpretations and thematic focus. Findings reveal that headlines systematically manipulate information structures to achieve pragmatic effects. Here, foregrounding (preposing) emphasizes key actors or consequences; postposing constructions activate presuppositions and dramatize urgency; passive voice, inversion, and interrogatives obscure responsibility and subtly assign or obscure blame; also, expansion constructions (relative clauses, appositives, and parentheticals) enrich context and amplify humanitarian or emotional dimensions. Overall, the study shows that linguistic choices function as pragmatic tools for managing discourse, framing narratives, and influencing perceptions of accountability. These results underscore the ideological and power dynamics embedded in news production and highlight the importance of analyzing information structures to understand how media discourse shapes public understanding and meaning.

Abstract This paper intends to examine the way in which major American media have framed Iran's Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (the JCPOA). Following the nuclear agreement between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the 5+1 powers in Vienna, the event was significantly depicted on the two major mainstream media outlets of the United States, namely CNN and Fox News. The study examines these media through framing as its theoretical approach. Framing, which is a prominent theory in communication and media studies, is concerned with the presentation of an issue in media. Using framing analysis, the study is based on data collected thorough an analysis of the JCPOA relevant transcripts broadcasted on CNN and Fox News during four strategic events within a three-year period, starting from July 14, 2015. The collected data was analyzed by ATLAS.TI software to classify and place the selected frames into respective tables. By analyzing approximately 1200 deconstructed themes, the findings reveal the main coding-news of CNN and Fox News as Iranophobia, Iran's containment, Advocates vs. Opponents, US approach towards JCPOA, Iran's nuclear program, Iran’s economy, Role of Israel as well as the JCPOA achievements. The present paper concludes that under the impact of politicized frames in the US outlets, Iran’s nuclear program has been distorted, framed and consequently represented to the audience.

Abstract Advancements in technology and the pervasive influence of internet and social media on individuals have propelled societies into post-truth era. This epoch is characterized by distinct features that have brought about significant changes in both societal dynamics and communication methods. Notably, the emergence and proliferation of social media and internet have played a key role in shaping and exacerbating these changes. Given that information dissemination and communication via internet and social media platforms now constitute a substantial component of contemporary public diplomacy practices, the realms of public diplomacy and post-truth share commonalities in terms of platforms used, target audience, and content delivered to them. Consequently, alterations in these factors within the post-truth era have a discernible impact on the field of public diplomacy. This study aims to investigate and analyze this impact, using grounded theory method to propose a novel analytical model for assessing public diplomacy activities within the framework of post-truth era. An examination of how these factors are applied in the realm of public diplomacy reveals a notable shift in policies and practices, from traditional objective of cultivating a positive image, towards a more assertive approach. This study introduces this new approach as a theoretical framework, termed "Antagonistic Public Diplomacy".

Abstract The COVID-19 pandemic brought instructional and administrative possibilities and problematics in higher education internationally. In such conditions, the developing countries suffered challenging times for less personnel preparedness, deficiencies in technological infrastructure, and restricted sources of finance for investing. This study argues that Iran's higher education was already pressured under the UCMs before the emergency transition to online education. It therefore focuses on the University of Tehran (UT), one of the most affluent Iranian universities, which stands as a role model in quality and excellence at the national and regional scales. It employs the reflexive thematic analysis method to 
cover a comprehensive body of COVID-driven content at UT’s website, including news, administrative notes, and announcements on new official regulations, teaching guidelines, and consultative commentaries for mental well-being. It provides an analytical model based on three major themes, A) students: technical and emotional support vs. onerous regulations, B) prosociality and social responsibility, C) instructors at University of Tehran: highly expected simultaneously ignored. These major themes entail different subthemes and motifs that unveil UT’s developing solutions and obstacles to foster fruitful exchange within the UT community. 

Abstract Israel’s foreign policy at times diverges from prevailing realist expectations, specifically rational considerations and prudence. This article argues that this is the result of what Ernst Cassirer calls mythical thought or what can be called a myth-based discourse that constructs the mindset of policy makers and has made the emergence of non-realist elements in Israel’s foreign policy possible. In this discourse, quantity, quality, similarity, space, and time acquire specific characteristics and, in the field of foreign policy, this primarily leads to maximalist aspirations, volunteerism, reactiveness, lack of proportionality between capabilities and actions, and at times refraining from diplomatic engagements. However, we encounter a state's identity as a modern ruling state which, to gain international recognition and acceptability, must abide by the norms and laws that define statehood. On the other hand, we face an identity stemming from a mythical discourse, encompassing non-modern, irrational elements and self-definitions based on rules that often contradict legal discourse. Relying on discourse analysis, the texts produced by Israeli foreign policymakers are analyzed to show how this specific way of thinking has made non-realist elements in Israeli foreign policy possible.

Abstract This study examines Russia’s strategic culture in West Asia and its implications for bilateral relations with Iran from the post-Soviet period (1991) to recent developments in 2025. Employing a qualitative framework rooted in strategic culture analysis, the research demonstrates that Russia’s approach toward Iran is shaped by pragmatic opportunism, historical experience, and a desire to maintain regional influence without overcommitting militarily. Findings reveal that Moscow engages with Tehran episodically, balancing cooperation against shared threats with strategic caution to preserve flexibility in relations with other regional actors, including Israel, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey. Brief episodes such as the U.S. and Israeli strikes on Iranian nuclear facilities, the Syrian crisis, and the ongoing war in Ukraine illustrate how Russia mediates, condemns actions diplomatically, and selectively coordinates with Iran without offering binding security guarantees. The study identifies a persistent divergence in perceptions: Russia often views Iran as a secondary, conditional partner, whereas Tehran expects collaboration on an equal footing. Despite these differences, mutual interests in regional stability, energy cooperation, and strategic depth create occasions for tactical alignment, particularly under external pressures. Overall, the results demonstrate that the Russia–Iran relationship is conditional, adaptive, and strategically ambiguous, with cooperation shaped less by ideological convergence and more by pragmatic calculations. By situating these interactions within the framework of strategic culture, the study provides a nuanced understanding of the limits and possibilities of Russia–Iran engagement in West Asia, highlighting how historical legacies, geopolitical constraints, and contemporary crises collectively define a partnership that is influential yet inherently fragile.

Abstract Negative socio-psychological repertoire about adversary exists in many societies plunged in conflicts. The challenge is how to make the structure of the society more flexible for a conflict resolution with enemies. This article examines the attempts of a pro-Iran-deal civil society, the - International Crisis Group, to change the negative societal beliefs regarding Iran, which  exist in the American society. By using the unfreezing theory of Bar-Tal and Halperin (2011 b) as well as the NVIVO 12, which is qualitative content analysis methodology, this paper attempts  to analyze this procedure from 2011 to 2016. The International Crisis Group made an effort to break the rigidity of barriers and remove their content in the American society. This trend of Iran unfreezing started in 2011 and increased in 2013, during the presidency of Hassan Rohani in Iran. Results indicate that the International Crisis Group fought against the rigid discourse that exists in the US about Iran through four main principles: removing the perception of Iran as a threat, legitimizing and humanizing Iran’s image, emphasizing the importance of the course of time, and expanding new information and alternative data about the US-Iran conflict. This new information aimed at justifying Iran’s actions and giving roadmaps for the future policies of the US toward Iran.

Abstract This analysis delves into the contentious issue of naming the Persian Gulf, asserting that the distinction between Arabian and Persian nomenclature extends beyond a simple dichotomy between two neighbouring Middle Eastern countries, Arabs and Persians. Instead, it represents a significant dispute that resonates throughout the entire Middle East. This study addresses two key questions: ‘Why is the Persian Gulf naming dispute considered a problem rather than a mere disagreement between the two sides of the Gulf?’ and ‘How can this problem be resolved?’ The research employs two qualitative methods: a descriptive analytical approach to answer the primary question and a policy-oriented approach to propose practical solutions for the secondary question. By going beyond analysis and contributing to policy formulation, the study seeks to inform public opinion and enable official stakeholders to effectively address the issue. The push to rename it the 'Arabian Gulf', led by Arabists, not only negatively impacts Arab-Iranian relations but also presents an unexpected opportunity for Israel to forge connections with the Arab world while advancing its de-Arabization agenda, particularly regarding Palestine. To address this problem, a novel solution is proposed, taking into account the historical, geographical, political, and strategic context of the issue. The solution advocates recognizing a distinct 'Arabian Gulf' in the Gulf of Aqaba, off the coast of Palestine, by reverting to its historical origin.

Abstract The intensification of armed conflict in Palestine during the years 2023 and 2024 by the Zionist regime have brought the solutions for the long-standing tension in the Palestinian territories into the focus of international attention. Therefore, in this regard, solutions such as the two-state solution and similar proposals have been presented by various governments and organizations. For nearly two decades, Iran has also proposed the "Palestinian Referendum Proposal" in pursuit of a legal-political resolution to the Palestinian issue. This article investigates the strengths and weaknesses of the “Referendum Proposal” from the perspective of international law, as well as the essential requirements that need to be observed to enhance its effectiveness. Therefore, strengths such as "the centrality of human rights and international law in this plan", "compliance with democratic principles and historical facts" and its “universal acceptability”, as well as weaknesses such as "lack of a comprehensive legal perspective, particularly in the field of humanitarian law", detrimental brevity and ignoring for political realities affecting the law, have been examined. Findings indicate that the actions of various countries against Israel in international courts and international legal organizations have turned Palestine into a target for legal convergence.

Abstract With the spread of the Coronavirus in Iran and almost simultaneously around the world, universities were forced to operate online and use distance education. The efficiency of universities in these critical situations depends to a large extent on their communication and media policies to advance their educational and research goals. To review the media and communication policy of the University of Tehran and the University of Cape Town, the content of their official websites from March 2020 to January 2021 was evaluated. This paper, using a combination of qualitative and quantitative content analysis, examined the content of these websites in connection with the Corona pandemic and evaluated their 
communication strategy in conveying their messages. Both universities have prioritized medical and emergency services which show the importance of students' and staff’s health for both universities but the social responsibility were 
more evident in Tehran University with its deeper commitment to its social missions. In terms of communication strategy, Cape Town University adopted a "supportive and egocentric" strategy to provide the necessary news and refrain 
from publishing the comments of audiences, and the University of Tehran took a "supportive and selective" strategy intending to provide the most news with selective comments. 

Abstract The main goal of the research was to Identification of strategic elements of sports diplomacy based on soft power in expanding Iran's international relations with Qatar and the United Arab Emirates. In the first step, by examining the theoretical foundations and research literature, a questionnaire related to the foundation's data theory was designed in order to extract the components of the strategic model of sports diplomacy in facilitating Iran's international relations with the countries of Qatar and the UAE, and information was collected by conducting 16 interviews with experts in this industry. In order to test the model, the community of experts active in the sports industry was used. The following categories of Media policy, Sports cultural diplomacy; Sports economic and commercial diplomacy; Sports public diplomacy; Sports platform diplomacy; Sports political diplomacy and Strategic sports diplomacy were used to design the model. For testing the relationships, Spearman's correlation test method, structural equation model and regression were performed on the data. Results indicate that economic diplomacy, strategic diplomacy and political diplomacy constitute the basis of the model.

Abstract The traditional approach to international law granted states an absolute monopoly in making international law and it discussed the rights and powers of states as a sole subject of international law. However, the proliferation of norms made by non-state actors raises questions with regard to the status of the actors as well as the legitimacy of the norms in the international fora, while it also challenges the state-centric orientation of international law. In consideration of the foregoing, customary law—whichwas traditionally comprised of two state-based elements of practice and opinio juris, as an important source of international law—has been faced with a strand of inquiry: can non-state actors generate international customs?  Through 1) an in-depth survey of scholarly arguments regarding law-making in certain circumstances that could also belong to private parties; and 2) a close examination of the lex mercatoria as an example of existing international customs developed by non-state actors, this article tries to clarify a) the legitimacy crisis of a more inclusive approach to international law and b) proposes opportunities whereby non-state actors could participate in the law-making process.

Abstract The fundamental norms of the United Nations Charter, particularly the prohibition on the use of force and the inviolability of state sovereignty, have been repeatedly challenged in the modern security landscape. The June 2025 military attacks by Israel, with direct support from the United States, on Iranian territory and its safeguarded nuclear facilities represent a critical juncture in this historical context, testing the resilience of the international legal order. This article aims to provide a comprehensive legal assessment of the legality of these actions under international law. Employing a doctrinal legal research methodology, the study conducts a systematic analysis of primary legal sources, including the UN Charter, ICJ jurisprudence, and non-proliferation treaties, integrated with secondary scholarly commentaries and institutional reports. Findings demonstrate that the attacks constitute a manifest act of aggression in violation of Article 2(4) of the UN Charter and the jus cogens rule prohibition on the use of force, as they were undertaken without Security Council authorization or a valid claim to self-defense under Article 51. Furthermore, the targeting of IAEA-safeguarded nuclear facilities breached the NPT and the Convention on the Physical Protection of Nuclear Material, eroding the global non-proliferation regime. The study also concludes that Iran’s defensive response was a legitimate exercise of its inherent right to self-defense. In conclusion, the attacks underscore a profound crisis in the UN collective security system, exacerbated by the Security Council's paralysis. The article ends with normative recommendations for upholding accountability and reinforcing the integrity of international law against unilateral militarism.

Abstract The small and medium entrepreneurs’ and managers’ main interest is to avoid the problems resulting from the economic and social crisis during COVID-19. One way to prevent these problems is to increase the organizations’ resilience to achieve optimal business performance. Resilience helps with business continuity and performance, simultaneously assisting social, economic, and cultural policymakers and planners in their tasks. This study investigates the impact of  corporate resilience dimensions on performance in the food SMEs industry in Iran during the COVID-19 era. After reviewing the literature on organizational resilience (planned and adaptive) based on Porter’s value chain, the effects of 
five dimensions (human resources, marketing, finance, supply chain management, and services) on corporate performance were assessed. Ninety-five questionnaires were collected from food industry SMEs using the simple random sampling method. SPSS 26 and SMART PLS 2.0 were used to analyze the data. The results of data analysis with Partial Least Squares (PLS) showed that all dimensions had a positive effect on corporate performance because all the items 
had high t coefficients (t > 1.96). With GOF, the overall validation of the model is high. Appropriate changes in Porter’s value chain components (Human Resources, Marketing, Finance, Supply Chain Management, and Services) under the COVID-19 influence have a positive effect on performance. 

Abstract Germany and France are often viewed as the EU pillars in their common European foreign policy. After Brexit, their role has become even more significant. Consequently, the Euro-Atlantic relations have been affected by the ways these countries react to the US’s foreign policies when they are against European values, including the tenets of the international rule of law. The US withdrawal from Iran’s deal with 5+1 concerning Iran’s nuclear program (known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action and abbreviated as the JCPOA) is a case regarded as unlawful by the UN. It can be used to test how much these two countries show resistance to the US in case of disagreement. This article draws a comparison between Berlin’s reaction to the US withdrawal from the JCPOA vise-à-vise Paris’s response to the same event. The distinctions between these responses and the reasons behind them will be analyzed by drawing on the theory of neoclassical realism. Furthermore, it will be argued that while Germany’s political structure and its historical developments speak volumes about its disposition to being more conservative and taking less restrictive measures towards countries like Iran, for France, tipping the balance of power is an important factor that accounts for the country’s tendency to form an alliance with the hegemon in recent years.

Abstract Following the partition of the Indian subcontinent in 1947, the sociopolitical rivalry between Hindu religious nationalists and secular democratic nationalists that arose during the independence struggles and whose intolerance precipitated the conflict persists to this day. Following an extended period of dominance as one of the two major political parties in India, the Indian National Congress Party (INC), which espouses Indian secularism rooted in Gandhian socialism, social democracy, secularism, and democratic socialism, has been at the helm of Indian politics for over three decades. However, Hindu nationalism will soon supplant INC's political preeminence, which forms the foundation of the Bharatiya Janata Party's (BJP) political ideology. This article aims to shed light on the voting patterns of supporters of radical Hindu political parties over a three-decade period (1980-2014). Additionally, it will examine the impact of globalization on the dynamics of interaction between radical Hindus and adherents of other religious minorities in India, including Islam and Christianity. The primary research inquiry of the article is as follows: To what extent has globalization influenced the voting patterns of radical Hindu political party supporters? Furthermore, what impact has globalization had on the dynamics of interaction between adherents of Hinduism and other faiths in India?

Abstract The present article aims to investigate the modality of coverage and infodemic management regarding COVID 19 by the two Iranian mainstream media i.e., IRNA and Fars News Agency. To investigate the modality of infodemic management, the article specifically examines ‘building resilience to misinformation’. To reach this aim, content analysis has been used. Data for this study were selected from the Instagram pages of Fars News Agency (@fras_news) and Islamic Republic News Agency (IRNA) (Irna_1313) from February 19, 2019, the day of the official announcement regarding the first Coronavirus case in Iran, until October 25, 2021. In total 218 items were collected, out of which 64 cases were from IRNA and 154 were from Fars News Agency. Both news agencies were examined in terms of infodemic type, Infodemic themes and infodemic sources. The results of the study indicated that in terms of infodemic type, Fars mainly focused on fake news; while IRNA concentrated on prevalent public questions and concerns regarding the Coronavirus. In terms of infodemic themes, both news agencies focused on Corona phobia and vaccination. The results of the study indicate that social networking sites are the main sources of spreading infodemic regarding COVID-19. 

Abstract The Palestine issue and the Israeli regime's occupation are among the most crucial matters on the global stage. The situation of Palestinians in the territories controlled by this regime, referred to as the 1948 territories, holds significant importance. Western countries have consistently aimed to present the Israeli regime as a democratic model, using the status of residents in the 1948 areas as evidence. This article utilizes a qualitative and comparative approach to address the query: What is the situation of Palestinians residing in the occupied territories of 1948 within the Israeli democracy? The hypothesis posited is that while Israel exhibits some elements of democracy based on recognized criteria, reliable statistics suggest that the Arab community does not benefit from this purported democracy to the same extent as the Jewish community, calling into question the foundational principle of the Israeli democracy. By examining reports from Israeli and international authorities, this article concludes that the Israeli regime cannot be deemed a democratic regime for all its citizens. Furthermore, the respect for human rights within this regime, particularly for the indigenous minority residing in the occupied territories, is nothing but a myth.

Abstract This paper aims to investigate the portrayals of Hindu-Muslim relations in recent Bollywood movies with a specific emphasis on the Tanhaji movie. The movie narrates and depicts a religious struggle in the 17^th century for the liberation of India. While Hindu-Muslim relations and conflicts have had many fluctuations throughout the history of India, evidences indicate that the contemporary situation of Muslims have worsened in the country. In parallel with the discriminatory discourses that are becoming prevalent against Muslims in the mainstream Indian society, different types of media represent and justify these actions. Cinema as the most significant type of popular entertainment in India has played an important role in this regard. The results of the present study indicate that by introducing Hindus as heroes who are smart, loyal, brave, diligent and dedicated to their motherland, and Mughal Muslims as violent, cruel and irrational, certain Bollywood movies have provided a significant contrast between the two groups.

Abstract Following the invasion of the allied forces in September 1941, chaos and crisis characterized the Iranian socio-political life for more than a decade. The “issue of oil” emerged in such an environment. First a round of negotiation began in order to “regain the right of the people to Southern oil”. The initial demand of the Iranian government was to acquire more benefits; at the same time, however, outside the government, another approach was being formed, in which a political understanding of the oil issue was predominant with a less materialist understanding of the stakes. As a result, the oil issue could be seen as either economic or political; two discourses, though both were more or less inspired by anti colonialist discourses of the time, emerged and each sought hegemony. This article seeks to reveal the way in which discursive struggle emerged and the way in which a shift to the political discourse made significant political changes possible. Its main argument is that the discursive conflict in a society, where national identity was a matter of contest, led to a fundamental change in the representation of the issue and, in the course of time, even the identities of the political actors evolved. It was when this discursive conflict led to the hegemony of the political understanding of the oil issue that Razmara’s administration became delegitimized and the national movement for oil nationalization acquired legitimacy.