Journal of World Sociopolitical Studies

Abstract This study investigates the relationship between Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), political stability, and coal efficiency in Vietnam using time series analysis from 1985 to 2021. Results indicate that political stability positively influences coal efficiency, encouraging investments in cleaner technologies. However, inward FDI exhibits negative impacts on coal efficiency, indicating limited contributions to greener projects. Moreover, a 1% increase in sustainable power generation significantly improves coal efficiency. To enhance coal efficiency, practical policies are needed, including fostering a stable political environment, incentivizing FDI in energy-efficient technologies, collaborating for technology transfer, investing in research and development, and promoting sustainable power generation. These strategies can aid Vietnam in reducing coal reliance and transitioning towards a more sustainable energy landscape.

Abstract Kyoto is a miniature of Japan; through centuries of experience and persistence, it has maintained the symbols of the country’s civil and cultural identity. The city has demonstrated a collection of Japan’s noble identity and characteristics through its material and spiritual heritage. Kyoto’s rich history and its position have gathered a collection of religion-based works, artistic innovations, and cultural heritage and have passed them through to the modern world. Kyoto is the symbol of an effort for the persistence of the city’s identity as well as the, coexistence of the modern and native characteristics within itself which indicates the glocal logic of the city. The question which is raised here is: what are the cultural and identity-related elements of Kyoto which have come together in a glocal structure and how have they been formed as such/in this way? Has Kyotoreally been successful in glocalizing itself in a balanced collection of civil, cultural, and identity-based characteristics and advance in the process? Considering the important role Kyoto plays in reflecting Japan’s history and culture, and the position it holds as the country’s cultural and historical heart, this paper has reviewed the city’s experience as Japan’s cultural capital and has aimed to analyze and specify Kyoto’s persistent and identity-making characteristics in a glocal frame. In the end, the study will form a schema of the solidarity and dynamism of the analyzed elements based on Japan’s identity and culture.

Abstract Since the United Kingdom’s vote for exit from the European Union - i.e. Brexit (June 2016), the proponents of the leave campaign have claimed that the idea of Global Britain will result in an independent trade policy, which can expand the UK’s trade geography and scope through striking free trade agreements (FTAs). This study aimed at examining this claim, first by looking at the official statistics on the signed FTAs, and then, by conducting semi-structured interviews with British stakeholders from different social groups in order to see Global Britain's future potentials. The findings from this qualitative-quantitative approach revealed that the possible gains from the post-Brexit FTAs will only manifest in the long run and in some sectors. Furthermore, the prospects of an independent trade policy will be constrained by the UK’s need to align with the EU standards and the unclear future of the FTAs with major economies like the US. Thus, as the theoretical framework of economic geography suggests, British trade relations will still depend on geographical proximity, and will not be shifted drastically by the idea of Global Britain; an idea which seems to serve as a strategy to positively portray Brexit for the domestic and international businesses and people.

Abstract Iran’s foreign policy toward international organizations has always oscillated between divergence and convergence, depending on the status of the country in question and the statesmen's point of the view. This study aimed to examine the status of international organizations in Iran’s foreign policy. A divergent approach to international organizations was adopted during 1981-1988 and 2005-2013. This believe in a domination system in the world, and try to change the status quo and the fundamental rules of the international system. One could argue that the domination of this approach in Iran’s foreign policy undermined the national interests and security. On the other hand, since 1979, it has been revealed that whenever Iran has had a convergent interaction with international organizations (i.e., 1979-1980 and 1988-2005); it has helped Iran's national interest and security. Furthermore, cooperation with international organizations in various fields has provided opportunities for political, economic and cultural ties of Iran.

Abstract This article enters into the debate on the link between security and identity by looking at the security context in the states surrounding the Persian Gulf, particularly Iran. Earlier scholarly works have approached security and identity
separately, but lack a framework that connects them in a single account. The process tracing method offers a scientific approach to connect various notions in a single study, allowing the synthesis of diverse disciplines to establish links
connecting them. Applying the method to the current security and identity issues of the regional states with Jundallah _a terrorist group in the eastern border of Iran_ has established a link between them and has thus enriched the current
studies of the region. The main findings are that the Persian Gulf region is a heterogeneous security complex with diverse actors wielding power, and that societal threats have increased since the 2003 Iraq War. Since that year, a conflictual security complex has predominated in the region, which has destabilized the region more than before.

Abstract The anti-American inclination of the Islamic Republic of Iran’s foreign policy-making is well established, and the bitter aspects of the two nation’s history well known. However, to assert a simple causal relationship between history and foreign-policy structure portrays the Islamic Republic’s anti-Americanism as inevitable, eternal and unrelated to actors’ agency. This article disputes this simple structural understanding by drawing on Greener’s method of applying path-dependency theory to political science. We first identify the ideas and structure of revolutionary Iran, benefiting in particular from the complementary insights of postcolonial theory. Following, we examine US policy choices in the Islamic Republic’s formative period of 1978–79—specifically those related to human rights, the shah and direct US intervention—and how these were perceived and acted upon in Tehran. Our findings indicate that American actions and Iranian decisions both influenced the establishment of a path-dependent process of perception and perpetration that continues until today. Successive Iranian governments have asserted that America ignores Iranian’s human rights, supports their enemies, and pursues direct intervention, while successive US government actions, motivated by Iranian counter-actions, have generated ample evidence to validate such claims. This can explain how a spiral of distrust emerged between the two nations.

Abstract The paper uses the case study of the controversy regarding the construction of a mosque near the site of the 9/11 terrorist attacks in Manhattan, New York, to analyze the different theoretical approaches to the concept of solidarity. It is argued that the presence of affectional solidarity which is based on feelings of caring, friendship and love was very limited in the case under study. Instead the primary form of solidarity present in the ground zero mosque debate was conventional solidarity, which is based primarily on common interests and concerns that are established through shared traditions and values. Nevertheless, conventional solidarity uses membership within a group to advocate for solidarity. In many instances however, people in need of solidarity might fall outside of the boundaries of “we,” and as a result limiting the utility of the approach. This is why the paper advocates for a revised form of Jodi Dean’s reflective solidarity, which is based on mutual responsibility toward each other despite our differences. It is argued that in its current form this approach is a normative universal ideal which holds great potential but is unclear, underspecified and impractical. However, by injecting some “realism” into this theoretical approach, reflective solidarity is superior to affectional and conventional approaches. 

Abstract The post-world war liberal order has been primarily based on the pillars of international institutions inspired from the idea of multilateral agreements and rooted in the ideological components of Western enlightenment and liberal tradition. This orderو which has been established and consolidated by a complex set of regulations in form of international institutions, trade agreementsو and security alliances, continued to function well after the bipolar system of the Cold War, into the hegemonic US-led era. The principal ideology of this hegemony borrows its spirit from an exceptionality of identity, the much discussed, yet disputable concept of American Exceptionalism. By performing a critical discourse analysis on presidential State of the Union addresses post-World War II regarding nuclear institutional hegemony, this research identifies the way in which political identity and ideational elements, derived from the notion of American Exceptionalism, have played a key role in the strategic culture of America, shaping its grand strategies throughout the past decades to create and maintain an institutional hegemonic dominance in the global arena, and in the nuclear regime as a case study. As a result of the theoretical and critical discourse analysis combined, the concept of Institutional Hegemonic Resilience has been offered to explain the dynamics.

Abstract In the modern world, government policy makers engage in the decision making process to pursue the interests of their countries. Think tanks play a significant role in this complicated process by giving advice to decision makers. Since the beginning of the twentieth century, think tanks increasingly emerged in the world, especially in Western European countries and the United States of America (USA). Israel, since its illegal establishment, created various think tanks to serve its political and security interests in the Middle East. Making peace with Middle Eastern countries and strengthening ties with the USA are the most crucial goals of Israel's foreign policy. Nevertheless, since its establishment, Israel adopted an aggressive approach towards Palestine, Lebanon, and recently Iran. Therefore, the main questions addressed in this article are as follows: What is the impact of Israeli think tanks on its foreign policy from 2000 to 2017? The Rational Actor Model, the Poliheuristic theory and Groupthink theories have been used to explain how think tanks influence policy makers in Israel. In order to conduct the research, the authors have chosen case study method as a qualitative method. In fact, the authors have considered Israeli think tanks as a case study to examine its impact on Israeli foreign policy. The hypothesis of the article is therefore the following: In recent decades, Israeli think tanks have persuaded Israel regime to formulate its foreign policy on the basis of aggressive approach, as witnessed in the Lebanon war (2006), the Gaza war (2008-9) and (2014), and Israel’s countering of Iran.

Abstract For over three decades, sanctions have been a consistent feature of United States policy towards Iran. Following the lifting of nuclear-related sanctions under the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in 2015 and United Nations Security Council Resolution 2231, in 2018 the United States withdrew from the agreement through Executive Order 13846, reinstating previous sanctions. Consequently, Iran decided to bring its case against the United States before the International Court of Justice (ICJ) based on the 1955 Treaty of Amity. The present article analyzes the ICJ's substantive jurisdiction (Merits) over this case, as well as the political and legal implications of the United States' unilateral sanctions against Iran. The research employs an analytical methodology, utilizing library research and note-taking to collect data. The research findings indicate that the ICJ's opinion is based on the illegality of comprehensive economic sanctions imposed on national security grounds, and that the Court has substantive jurisdiction over this case. Furthermore, the findings reveal that the United States' unilateral and extraterritorial sanctions not only violate Iran's sovereignty, but also infringe upon the human rights of the Iranian people. The United States' sanctions policy aligns with liberal and realist theories of international relations.

Abstract Since the 9/11 bombings in New York, and the 7/7 bombings in London, Muslims’ integration in the UK has been under intense scrutiny. Muslim integration, however, has long been a matter of debate in Britain, revolving around the maintenance of Muslims’ distinctive identity and practice. For instance, David Cameron (Cameron, 2011), Britain’s then Prime Minister, announced at the Munich Security Conference that “state multiculturalism” has encouraged “different cultures to live separate lives, apart from each other and apart from the mainstream”. In criticizing multiculturalism, most critics mainly refer to Muslims as being less integrated into wider society than people from other minority groups, and Muslims are shown to be disloyal. The complexity of Muslims’ integration and its dependency on different social, structural and cultural factors are, however, mostly less studied. This paper is designed to understand the social and cultural barriers to Muslim integration. In doing so, it aims to explore Muslims’ integrational strategies to deal with these barriers. Findings of this paper draw on research that involved 43 semi-structured interviews with Muslims across Scotland’s major cities and small towns.

Abstract The right to peace and global security are considered as critical rights and necessities for human life, the realization of which requires support of the global society. Initially, the establishment of the United Nations made people believe that they are achieving this significant matter, and a major part of problems caused by disagreements and growing wars are being solved. Unfortunately, this has not been the case and we are still observing the increasing rate of clashes, domestic conflicts and foreign wars all around the World. Therefore, it is necessary to identify the barriers against the realization of this right and seek to address them. With little reflection, one discovers that one of the principle roots of the existing disagreements and unending wars around the World is the inefficiency of the United Nations (UN), which was established with the purpose of maintaining peace and security in the world. However, the UN suffers from significant difficulties in recognition, structure, and execution in the field of right to peace, which are mainly due to legal reasons. Therefore, this study attempts to find the existing weaknesses, including defects and shortages, of the United Nations in maintaining peace and security around the World. In addition, we will try to propose strategies to prevent the repetition of past mistakes, correct such defects, and take effective measures to improve the right to peace.

Abstract This research sheds light on what has constituted and defined Iran’s post-revolutionary political identity and provides insights into its development with important socio-political implications. In order to understand the configuration and the evolution of post-revolutionary identity in Iran, we examined Hajj Messages issued by Iran’s Supreme Leader through a content analysis within the framework of a threefold typological model of identity advanced by the authors: empiricistic, rationalistic, and idealistic. The passages selected from the Supreme Leader’s Hajj Messages are classified into the above-mentioned three categories based on the model. Results indicate that in the post-revolutionary Iran, a rationalism that inherits the doctrines of anti-despotism, anti-colonialism, and return to Islam prevails. It is also observed that the post-revolutionary identity of Iran has both empiricist and idealist factors, in the narrations of which the rituals of Hajj and the history of prophets are underscored respectively. This research also concerns ebbs and flows in the process of identity development in post-revolutionary Iran. Whilst the rationalist factor keeps stable and is gradually strengthening its preponderance, idealism is ebbing away and empiricism is flowing in.

Abstract The main purpose of this research was to examine the key metrics of the Russian digital economy and influencing factors affecting the digital economy development in Russia during the period of 2010-2020. One-way ANOVA was conducted to compare the three indicators of e-government. Results from LSD statistics indicated that there was a significant difference between the telecommunications indexes and human capital. The correlation matrix of economic influencing factors in Russia in terms of ICT application revealed that there has been a balance between the various economic sectors. Results of the Kruskal–Wallis test demonstrated that there was a significant difference between Russian financial institutions in terms of cyber-attacks. Based on the refinery methods of factor analysis, Pearson's correlation coefficient, and multiple regression model, five variables GDP, GDP per capita, R&D expenditure, cyber security, and consumer price index were removed from the analysis, and the results showed that the human capital has a significant positive impact on the development of the digital economy in Russia. Despite the significant explanatory role of the human capital index, this study strongly recommended considering the other variables, both predictive and control variables, to explain the variance in the development of digital economy in Russia.

Abstract According to Iran's constitution, expanding relations with Africa has always been one of the strategic principles in the country’s foreign policy; all previous presidents have therefore sought to expand the country's relations with Africa. Rouhani, however, pursued a different policy in Africa. His arrival in the office marked a considerable shift in Iran’s foreign policy. Rouhani’s African policy, compared to his predecessors, presents a peculiar case, because rhetorically he highlighted the importance of improving relations with Africa, but in practice, he almost neglected Africa at least in terms of trade and official visits. In other words, in Rouhani’s presidency, Africa remained as a key principle in the IRI’s foreign policy but not as a strategic partner. This paper uses a qualitative content analysis for analysing Rouhani’s rhetorical positions on Africa. By adopting the constructivist theory of IR and the importance of policymaking theories, the paper also argues that due to the geopolitical importance of Africa, Iran’s relations with Africa, although insignificant, remained unchanged. In Rouhani’s time, however, relations declined significantly due to his Westward policy. In discussing this policy shift, the role of both structure and agency are important and emphasize the reactionary nature of Iran’s foreign policy.

Abstract Islamophobia is defined as a closed-minded hatred, fear or prejudice toward Islam and Muslims that result in discrimination, marginalization, and oppression. This phenomenon was strengthened after September 11 marked a watershed in the history of America. In the wake of 9/11, Islamophobia was promulgated in a plethora of textual and visual narratives, including novel. This paper studies Islamophobia in Greg Hrbek’s latest novel Not on Fire, But Burning (2015). A close reading of the novel reveals that the novel couples Islam with terrorism and barbarity, and sets forth the Self/Other dichotomy, which is rather cherished in the discourse of Islamophobia. As observed in a long history of Islamophobic rhetoric, Hrbek’s novel depicts that certain people, undoubtedly Muslims, are outside the American system of values, ready to catch America off-guard. With the images the work promotes of Islam and its followers, it is argued that Not on Fire, But Burning reinforces Islamophobia and biased frames of reference on Islam and Muslims.

Abstract This article analyzes the transformation of Turkish foreign policy towards the Middle East during the turbulent years initiated with the Arab Spring. In due course, Turkish policy considerably shifted from proactive engagement with the region in the early 2000s to a bid to leading regional transformation, particularly in the initial years of the Arab Spring. However, the reversal of the Arab Spring increasingly presented a blowback for Türkiye’s regional engagements. The ensuing regional insecurity resulted in a realist turn in Turkish foreign policy, with frequent resort to military instruments and coercive diplomacy. Eventually, regional policies of Türkiye corresponded to the search for de-escalation and normalization within the emerging Middle Eastern order since 2020. The article argues that changing regional dynamics corresponding with domestic conditions influenced and shaped Türkiye’s policies towards the Middle East. Recently, under the impact of the regional-systemic pressures coupled with changing domestic conditions, recalibrating its regional engagement, Türkiye has prioritized the normalization agenda. It argues that while normalization agenda will remain an important objective for Türkiye’s regional policies, it will evolve in a partial manner, and case-by-case, conditional on the unfolding regional order and Ankara’s strategic priorities.

Abstract A decade after the establishment of the Saudi regime Riyadh and Washington constructed a strategic alliance between themselves in 1945. On the other hand, given the “Pivot to Asia” doctrine adopted by the Obama and Trump Administrations, the decline of Washington's dependence on Saudi oil, as well as some important events such as the murdering of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi by Riyadh officials, the prospect of relations between the two
countries has been highlighted in political circles. Based on a scenarioplanning study, the current paper tries to answer the question: “what will happen to the future of US-Saudi relations considering the aftermath of the Khashoggi murder?” Concerning the impact of this fiasco on the future of US-Saudi relations, we can logically consider five scenarios: the continuation of the status quo, the deepening of strategic relations, the decline of strategic relations, a strategic shift, and, finally, the elimination of strategic relations. But given ongoing circumstances, the deepening or end of strategic relations is unlikely to happen, the present article only focuses on the three other scenarios; the continuation of the status quo, the power shift and the decline of strategic relations amidst the two countries. However, the removal of Mohammed bin Salman (MBS) from the position of crown prince (should it be low-cost) could also be in Washington's agenda for maintaining strategic ties between the two countries. The paper's hypothesis is inclined to the status quo scenario and argues that with the official stances of the Trump Administration, in particular that of November 20, 2018, the strategic alliance of Riyadh-Washington will continue, with more expenses shouldered from the Riyadh side.

Abstract Ziba Mir-Hosseini employs feminist theory and global human rights principles to promote and implement legal changes to Islamic law to achieve gender equality. She proposes the pursuit of an alternative “sacred spiritual project” as a means to advance gender equality through these legal reforms. To achieve this goal, four underlying assumptions inform her work that are essential for her spiritual project to be successful. (Mir-Hosseini's approach includes: 1) Advocating religion's adaptation to societal changes, prioritizing individual autonomy over religious demands. 2) Applying social constructionism to challenge binary gender concepts and traditional roles. 3) Asserting that Orientalism influenced male scholars' misinterpretation of Islam's sacred texts. 4) Embracing Western individualism to counter Traditionalist or Neo-Traditionalist Islamic teachings while overlooking Western women's sexualization experiences in her pursuit of equality. The possible consequences of her philosophy include that it might aid secularization and syncretic tendencies within the sphere of Muslim women; it might emphasize a personal interpretation of religious texts leading to distrust of male authority; it might intersect with evolving attitudes towards gender roles, family dynamics, and women’s rights within society, which may affect Muslims and their families as a whole. It might contribute to tensions already there among women.

Abstract Signing a preferential trade agreement between Iran and the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) has created a suitable context for the expansion of trade interactions between the countries of this region. With respect to this context, this paper examines food trade potentials between Iran and Russia as two neighbors with significant economies. Product codes are chosen from the 21 categories of the integrated tariff system based on the global definition of food. Data analysis is based on four trade criteria including the Allen cosine measure, the Revealed Comparative Advantage measure, the simple estimate of trade potential measure, and the Drysdale index over the years 2001–2017. These indices illustrate that Iran and Russia have high trade capacities for some items in certain food groups, and that they can facilitate the process of economic integration through reinforcing regional interactions and intra-region trade expansion, while safeguarding national interests and improving national security. The paper concludes that Iran’s food exports to Russia in a particular set of commodity codes enjoy the potential of expansion due to structural similarities between the countries’ food exports, the increasing trend of Iran’s food export potential to Russia, the increasing advantage of these commodity codes in Iran’s export to the world, and the increasing trade expansion opportunities from Iran to Russia.

Abstract The United States and Iran as former allies turned into adversaries after the Islamic Revolution of 1979. Since then the United States has tried to contain Iran as a state considered to be a threat to the U.S. national security. The U.S. Congress has also acted in line with the administrations’ policies and in some cases directed the administration to take a tougher stance toward Iran. A review of the literature on congressional studies indicates that the power of individual actors in legislative policymaking has increased since the 1970s. Using the Bounded Rational Model in foreign policy decision making, the present paper attempts to explain the decision making behavior of congressional sanction bill sponsors for the two financial/banking sanction laws against Iran during the Obama administration. These two laws are the Comprehensive Iran Sanctions, Accountability and Divestment Act of 2010 and Section 1245 of the National Defense Authorization Act of 2012. The method of qualitative content analysis is employed to explain the context of the bills and the sanction triggers and goals are identified through the remarks of bill sponsors. The analysis of these sanction laws using the four elements of actor, preference, structure, and decision criteria indicates that the Bounded Rational Model as it takes into account the decision makers’ cognitive limitations and the limitations imposed on them by the environment of decision making is a good model to explain the decision making behavior of banking sanction bill sponsors.

Abstract China is consolidating its position in the international system, taking advantage of a variety of channels in the process. The establishment of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) is a historical step by China in the international economic order. The AIIB, as an international financial and development institution attempts to engage and participate in the economic infrastructures of the member states. The question addressed in this research is, How could China's approach in establishing the AIIB be analyzed with respect to new economic developments in the last two decades?  The hypothesis is that the AIIB is considered as a network structure for making a centrality in the economic order for China, which facilitates the systemic evolution in international arena. The AIIB is therefore considered as a strategic turning point in the international economic order. This study argues that China is attempting to elevate and consolidate its economic role among the regional countries to institutionalize its centrality. Accordingly, it seems that China aspires to promote changes in the international system through a complementary and distinguished evolution. Therefore, the reliability of the AIIB is vital for this openness phase, and China is keenly going to maintain and strengthen the AIIB for coming games and required strategic plans.

Abstract The Unconventional Gas Production Revolution in the US has ushered in new opportunities for American petrochemical companies, granting abundant access to gas resources and fostering business growth. Consequently, prominent global petrochemical firms have made substantial investments in the United States' petrochemical and chemical industries. Simultaneously, the surge in gas production from unconventional reserves in the US has led to considerable growth in the country's petrochemical output. To address this crucial topic, we conducted a comprehensive time series analysis, investigating the long and short-term relationships between oil and polyethylene prices in the US during the shale gas development phase. Employing an autoregressive distributed lag (ARDL) model for the period spanning from January 2013 to December 2017, our research findings reveal that, in the long run, there exists a positive and significant influence of the oil price variable on polyethylene prices. However, in the short term, no discernible impact on the polyethylene price variable was observed. Interestingly, the analysis also indicates a unidirectional causal relationship, with oil prices influencing polyethylene prices. This finding suggests that despite the divergence between oil and gas prices, oil remains a crucial determinant of petrochemical product pricing. The results underscore the significance of shale gas development and its impact on the petrochemical industry. As the US continues to experience increased gas production, comprehending the intricate relationships between oil, gas, and petrochemical prices becomes imperative for companies' strategic decision-making and policymakers alike.

Abstract Relying on its partisan principles and values, the Ba’athist regime– the period when Saddam Hussein was in charge in Iraq– sought a powerful government. Not respecting and believing in ethnical and sectarian differences and seeking the realization of national unity, Saddam tried to regulate security policies in a way in which he could assimilate the differing Iraqi society, using the policies of carrot and stick. This project was consisted of two fundamental pillars: (1) positive or carrot assimilation policies; and (2) negative or stick assimilation policies. This article discusses the way in which Saddam’s unifying principles were implemented in Iraq during the Ba’athist regime. The research method of the article is qualitative and the data are gathered from various documents and interviews with former and current Iraqi government officials. The questions this paper seeks to answer are: (1) What were the patterns of policymaking in Iraq’s national security during the period of the Ba’ath Party’s rule? and, (2) Did those patterns help Iraq’s national unity and solidarity? The article concludes that because of the specific characteristics of these policies, and considering the sociological, cultural, and historical principles of Iraq, assimilation policies during the Ba’ath Party’s rule caused numerous ethnical and sectarian cracks and consequently gave birth to discordant and disharmonious groups in the society.

Abstract One of the most important issues in the world economy is the concept of energy security and the study of its various dimensions in different countries. It is of great importance for Russia as one of the largest oil and gas producing countries in Northern Asia and the world. This study seeks to measure various aspects of energy security in Russia using the factor analysis model. The results show a high degree of interdependence between the two variables of economic growth and energy intensity in Russia. The results of the EFA also show that the two factors, including the general factor and the investment science factor, can explain about 85% of the variance of the observed variables. Moreover, the results of the Russian invasion of Ukraine and its impact on energy security demonstrate the need to separate the short-term effects of the conflict on energy security from the long-term effects. Russia suffers from the problem of energy stickiness due to its economic and political structure and will lag behind the West in the medium- and long-term renewable energy replacement program.